\documentclass[9pt,a4paper,twocolumn]{extarticle} \usepackage[hidelinks]{hyperref} \usepackage[top=2cm]{geometry} \usepackage[font=small]{caption} \usepackage{handouts} \usepackage{polyglossia} \setdefaultlanguage{british} \setotherlanguage{hebrew} \newfontfamily\dutchfont[Mapping=tex-text]{Latin Modern Roman} \newfontfamily\hebrewfont[Scale=MatchLowercase]{Ezra SIL} \DeclareTextFontCommand{\ez}{\hebrewfont} \usepackage{stfloats} \usepackage{subcaption} \usepackage{enumitem} \title{\Large Handout of ``Prototypical Transitivity''\footnote{\r{A}shild N{\ae}ss (2007).}} \author{Camil Staps} \newcommand{\MDAH}[0]{\bgroup\sc mdah\egroup} \newcommand{\defineproperty}[1]{% \expandafter\def\csname #1\endcsname##1{% \def\temp{##1}% \ifx\temp\empty\else $##1$\fi% \bgroup\sc #1\egroup}} \defineproperty{vol} \defineproperty{inst} \defineproperty{aff} \begin{document} \maketitle \subsection*{Why a transitive prototype?} \parnote{ A \term{prototype} definition assigns membership of a category by means of judgement of similarity to a central exemplar\pagenr{11}. The prototype's properties should be \emph{gradable}, so that a \emph{degree of similarity} with it can be determined. Ideally, prototype properties are chosen \emph{maximally distinct} from members of other, contrasting categories\pagenr{12}. } \summary{ A traditional transitivity prototype involves a volitional agent, a concrete, dynamic action with perceptible and lasting effect on a patient\pagenr{15}. } \summary{ There exists a transitive prototype, but (1) why does it exist, and (2) why does it look the way it does\pagenr{16}? } \subsection*{The Maximally Distinguished Arguments Hypothesis (\MDAH)} \summary{ Kemmer argues that the participants of transitive events are very distinguishable\pagenr{28} as far as their semantical roles are concerned: there should be one Initiator and one Endpoint, and they may not overlap. We see here a prototypical agent and a prototypical patient\pagenr{29}. This suggests the \MDAH: \begin{quote} A prototypical transitive clause is one where the two participants are \emph{maximally semantically distinct} in terms of their roles in the event described by the clause\pagenr{30}. \end{quote} The question remains what the defining properties of agents and patients are. One should separate \term{inherent properties} (definiteness, animacy) and \term{relational properties} (agency, patienthood, etc.). The \MDAH{} considers only relational properties, since it makes a claim about relations to an event\pagenr{31}. Any definition of agency should also only consider relational properties --- notwithstanding the fact that there may be correlations between inherent and relational properties\pagenr{40}. An agent can be defined as a volitional instigator (\vol+ \inst+); a patient as affected (\aff+). By the {\MDAH}, a patient should then also have the properties \vol- and \inst-, and an agent should be \aff-\pagenr{44}. } \subsection*{The Affected Agent} \summary{ A common deviation of the above definition of Agent is the \term{Affected Agent}, a participant with the characteristics \vol+ \inst+ \aff+. That this deviates from the Agent definition by the \MDAH{} explains why verbs with Affected Agents can often be used intransitively\pagenr{72}. Apart from that, we often see that verbs like `eat' appear with markers of subject affectedness, or that the verb itself is grammaticalised into a marker of agent affectedness% \plainIdea{~(also Hebrew \ez{אכל}?)}\pagenr{75}. Affected Agent constructions are often semantic middles, defined as ``[v]erbs with two or more participants that have more than one affected or more than one controlling partcipant'' (Testelec 1998)\pagenr{82}. } \subsection*{Transitivity in verbs and clauses} \summary{ For all deviations from the prototypical agent (\vol+ \inst+ \aff-) and patient (\vol- \inst- \aff+) we find languages that display them in different constructions\pagenrs{89--107}. } \parnote{ \begin{description}[style=nextline,leftmargin=1em,itemsep=-3pt] \item[Volitional Undergoers (\vol+ \inst- \aff+)] This special kind of patient is rarely, thought not never, found in different constructions than the transitive Patient\pagenr{89}. The rarity may be explained due to the similarity to beneficiaries\pagenr{91}. \item[Force (\vol- \inst+ \aff-)] This includes natural forces and human actors that don't act volitionally. Both are sometimes described differently, sometimes in the same manner\pagenr{93}. \item[Instrument (\vol- \inst+ \aff+)] Many languages distinguish between forces and instruments, since instruments are manipulated by another entity. Agents and instruments are `things making the event happen' (\inst+), while instruments and patients are `things the Agent does something to' (\aff+)\pagenr{97}. \item[Frustrative (\vol+ \inst- \aff-)] Distinguished by a small number of languages\pagenr{100}. \item[Neutral (\vol- \inst- \aff-)] This includes resultative objects (there was nothing to be affected before the event) and stimulus, themes, etc.\pagenrs{103--107}. \end{description} \plainIdea{The question remains on what basis some categories are patients and others are agents (e.g., why \vol+ \inst- \aff+ is a patient and not an agent).} } \summary{ Verbs appear with different participant types% \note{e.g. `break' may take Agents, forces and non-volitional human actors, and instruments}\pagenr{107}. Hence, the notion of thematic roles% \note{where a verb participant can only have one kind of thematic role, depending on the verb} complicates things, since a thematic role would have to combine all these different participant types\pagenr{108}. It is simpler to let verbs subcategorise for a semantic feature as \inst+ and leave the other features unspecified\pagenr{110}. } \subsection*{Experiencers and the dative} \summary{ Experiencers may appear as transitive clause subjects\note{``I like the dog''}, intransitive clause subjects\note{``I'm afraid of the dog''} and transitive clause objects\note{``The dog frightened me''}\pagenr{185}. This variance can only be expected, since experiencers can be (at least) both volitional undergoers and affected agents\pagenr{189}. Experiencer events cannot simply be captured by an analysis of two-participant events in terms of the distinctness of participants with respect to the properties \vol{}, \inst{} and \aff{}\pagenr{190}. This is a problem of language, not of linguistics; the fact that these verbs are difficult to classify only makes them eligible for the perceived variation\pagenr{196}. The dative case may be used to indicate reduced transitivity\pagenr{197}. However, its function goes beyond this: it is also used for active receivers\note{``He is helping \emph{me}''}\pagenr{198}, possessors\pagenr{199} and causees\pagenr{200}. All are \vol+ \inst- \aff+, which should then be understood as the core meaning of the dative case\pagenr{202}. } \end{document}